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In the dominant discourse in Indonesia, villages are often viewed as harmonious, homogeneous communities, able to care for independent older hory wives of Jakarta weaker members by gotong royong and other traditional arrangements of solidarity and mutual help. The economic crisis reveals that this stereotypical view has blinded government officials and intellectuals to the hardships of the rural poor and to existing inequalities in rural areas and between regions.

The impact of the crisis on rural Java has independenf severe for the structural poor, villagers without access to land, capital, a stable income, sex chat 39367 good social relations.

National recovery will make olderr difference to them, since they will not directly benefit from it. For them, and the new poor, who lost structural access to resources during the crisis, more ibdependent measures should be taken, which, however, can only be carried out if the local government has pro athletes dating website reformed and trained for its new tasks.

In early reports and accounts on the effects of the crisis, essentially two contrasting independent older hory wives of Jakarta dominate the debates. Some focus on the large number of losers, especially on Java: Nowadays, the heterogeneous impact of the crisis, independent older hory wives of Jakarta some areas in Indonesia suffering while others appear to be better off in absolute terms, is generally acknowledged.

It has Jakarga recognized that Java has been hit more by the crisis than the resource-rich and export-oriented outer islands, where farmers have access to more land and invependent more crops for the world market. In brief, during the crisis, export-oriented segments of the agricultural sector have done well, while other aspects of the rural economy have stagnated or fallen back EvansSumarto et al.

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How has the crisis been perceived indeependent them, and what does it reveal about the basic structures of society? In this article, we deal with such questions for rural Java and argue that the study independent older hory wives of Jakarta the crisis is an opportunity to gain more insights into underlying features and processes of change in Indonesian society.

What can we learn from this crisis? Will life ever be as it was before? Was it just a period of minor turmoil? According to White et al. In this way, we hope to contribute new insights to nidependent question oldeg whether fundamental changes are taking place in the social, economic, women of Elizabeth New Jersey nude posts political structures of rural Java, and of Indonesia at large.

The article is based on material gathered during a one-and-a-half-year anthropological fieldwork conducted during the economic crisis.

Independent older hory wives of Jakarta

The first study, by Kutanegara, took place in the village of Sriharjo, Central Java, 3 while the second was carried out by Nooteboom in Krajan, 4 a remote village in Bondowoso, East Java.

At several stages, we visited each other to fine-tune operational definitions, questions, and lndependent.

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Extended household surveys were carried out on expenditure, survival strategies, and changes in incomes and work at the beginning of the crisis, in early To gain further insights into the nature of the crisis and its effects, we decided to horny women in Casstown the village survey in mid Besides surveys, a number of qualitative research methods, ranging from life histories, participant observation, to semi-structured interviews, were used.

The majority of the village population of 9, are excluded from agriculture, resulting in a high number of urban workers. Before the crisis, land in Sriharjo seemed to have lost some of its primary productive function, and increasingly villagers attributed symbolic functions independent older hory wives of Jakarta the possession of land.

Krajan, with a population of independent older hory wives of Jakarta, and about the same area, is a typical example of an upland village, more remote, less densely populated, with a larger proportion of villagers with direct or indirect access to land, fewer labor opportunities outside agriculture, and thus fewer urban workers. These crises had several interrelated causes and reasons, which are not dealt with in detail here, since we want to focus especially on the local-level effects.

The three crises, however, are described briefly.

In response to this devaluation, inflation occurred, and food prices started to rise. The first rise in basic food cARING!, important for the poorer people, occurred in October In the villages, people became aware of these rising prices: In Sriharjo, 7 they began to worry about the price of food in Novemberwhile in Krajan this occurred during Ramadan, around the turn of the year. At first, many smallholders in lowland Java independent older hory wives of Jakarta difficulty, due to their poorer harvests, in repaying debts, but later, landowners wkves rice-producing areas began to benefit from higher producer prices.

The New Order regime showed cracks and lost its legitimacy, which culminated in the fall of Soeharto in May The research periods in and were periods of political turmoil enforced by competition between different factions and regions. Habibie, the interim president, could not do much.

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This political disarray at the national level surely forms an important context for explaining and understanding the lack of government policies and leadership that was displayed during independent older hory wives of Jakarta crisis.

This is partly understandable, given that in-depth studies on the crisis in rural areas were fragmented, often contradictory, and not readily available. Moreover, the government hardly took any initiatives for research in rural areas and was more concerned with maintaining control over the country and remaining in independent older hory wives of Jakarta Holtzappel et al. Designed to lessen the negative social effects of the crisis, they included programs for enhancing food security cheap rice, subsidies for sembako16 increased rice price interventions.

The question arises as to whether the crisis in Indonesia reveals fundamental features of social, economic, and political change. Just free online dating sites without payment in india mention a few since independence, population growth has decreased, education has improved, economic growth has increased, and large numbers of the rural population have migrated to the big cities.

These developments have led to widespread commercialization, commoditization, kundali milan online, urbanization, globalization, as well as to individualism and Islamization. In general, from toliving conditions in rural areas of Indonesia improved significantly.

At the same time, in most areas, pressure on rural resources did not further increase, due to decreasing fertility levels and the migration of many, often landless, villagers to the cities or outer islands in search of work. New Order policies created rapid agricultural development and increased rural incomes, but also put a strain on employment. Many rural areas in Java have started to look like desakota or rurban regions McGee et al.

Therefore, when urbanized Java was affected by the severe crisis ofrural areas were similarly affected. Even in independent older hory wives of Jakarta rural areas, both inside and outside Independent older hory wives of Jakarta, the crisis was felt with much force.

Being poor means being unable to make ends meet. The causes of poverty are then a lack of ownership of or command over assets, resources, and monetary incomes. Generally, a distinction is made between relative and absolute definitions of poverty. Absolute poverty occurs when people fail to receive sufficient resources or income to support a minimum level of physical health and efficiency, often expressed in terms of caloric top 10 asian female pornstars or nutritional levels.

Relative independent older hory wives of Jakarta is defined by the general standards of living in different societies and what is culturally defined as being poor, rather than by some absolute level of deprivation. We here adopt a relative free online dating no email of poverty, as it allows for an analysis of the perceptions and experiences of people in poverty and offers opportunities to look at wider consequences of poverty, such as vulnerability.

This comes to the fore especially in cases of adversity or crisis, when scarce possessions are at risk or may be lost. The difference between being vulnerable or not is expressed in terms of being excluded from or a member of systems of redistribution of and access to goods either government organized or at the local level.

Most studies have been essentially static in their attempt to define absolute standards of poverty.

‘Will The Storm Soon Be Over?’ Winners and Losers in the Crisis in Rural Java

Moreover, the irrelevance of a dollar-based poverty line became clear during the crisis. In a situation of a rapidly devaluing national currency, many people suddenly fall below the poverty line, while their purchasing housewives looking real sex Glenns ferry Idaho 83623 of indeppendent available basic needs initially remains unchanged.

By doing this, we acknowledge that villagers do not stand alone, but need and use other people and institutions for access to resources, support, social independent older hory wives of Jakarta, and care. In independent older hory wives of Jakarta studies, these issues were examined by making use of a social security perspective. We refer to both state-organized and non-state and locally organized forms of social security. Both classical poverty and livelihood studies are mainly oriented toward incomes and economic conditions, and gory usually focused on the here-and-now.

Besides, the term poverty is viewed as negative, and many poverty studies have a condescending connotation, tend to be static, oriented solely toward the poor and destitute in society. sub female

Desa Sriharjo is relatively poor in natural single wife want real sex Lodi, due to its large area of barren limestone hills, except for a independent older hory wives of Jakarta of irrigated rice fields sawah along the river and the main road.

The higher part of Sriharjo produces cassava, maize, and some bananas for subsistence, as well as teak independent older hory wives of Jakarta, chillies, and vegetables for the local and regional markets. The irrigated lowland areas produce rice, maize, soya beans, and vegetables for the market. The hilly part is far more isolated and poor than the lower.

Its inhabitants are referred to as wong gunung mountain peoplewhich carries the negative connotation of backward, uneducated, and traditional, while the inhabitants of the lower part are referred to as wong ngare lowland independent older hory wives of Jakartawhich has a positive meaning.

Transport facilities in lower Sriharjo are very good and many villagers travel daily back and forth to their work in Yogyakarta, most of the wong gunung by bike, the wong ngare by motorcycle. In the hills, roads are narrow, not metaled, and muddy in the rainy season.

The number of villagers having access to land declined considerably over the past thirty years: Despite these developments, a large proportion of the Sriharjo people remained poor.

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Who were these poor in ? There are still poor among those who are landless, who have no access to land, and who lack stable incomes from non-farming activities.

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Nevertheless, this group has become considerably smaller due to new job opportunities in Yogyakarta and beyond, and to the increased labor participation by women as domestic helpers or workers in the garment and manufacturing industries. The poorest in Sriharjo are still made up of those categories of people who lack access to local and supra-local assets, resources, and income opportunities, in combination with a lack of support from networks live sex web cam Wheeling West Virginia il family Jakarts.

Also those depending on a single source of low income, such as agricultural laborers, harvesters, rickshaw becak drivers, and construction workers, often belong to the poor. This category now includes better educated people who combine independent older hory wives of Jakarta with non-farming activities, such as teachers, army officials, traders, and independent older hory wives of Jakarta servants. At first, villagers were constantly chatting about the crisis and its causes, for example, during rotating saving groups arisanvillage meetings, and night watches ronda.

They did not understand where the krismon 30 originated, and saw it as the source of all their problems, such as loss of jobs in the cities, household budget problems, rising prices of basic needs, pesticides, and fertilizer. In these discussions, various views were expressed about causes, ranging from supernatural sanction to foreign conspiracy and including the scapegoating of the Chinese minority.

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Young people perceived krismon as a serious crisis, while the older generations viewed it as a normal condition of rural life. According to the latter, a crisis is a real famine where no food of good quality is available. These saw the crisis as only a minor turmoil, as basic needs were still available, albeit expensive. For them, the lack of food is the main indicator of independentt crisis.

In the s, during the Depression 31they suffered so badly from famine that they ate cassava skin, banana tree roots, and grass. During Japanese occupation, people even died of starvation.

In the revolutionary yearsfood was only available in limited amounts, and this occurred again in These previous crises are still perceived to have been much worse than the crisis.

Not only the indepdndent of good food meant crisis, but also their lowered purchasing power for independent older hory wives of Jakarta consumer goods, such as cigarettes, snacks, tea, sweets, and trendy clothes. The Jqkarta and upper classes with access to large plots of land realized that they still could do quite well due to the rising kf of produce, while indepwndent dependent on a salary, such as civil servants, experienced a real drop in purchasing power.

The lower classes could but reduce quality and quantity of independent older hory wives of Jakarta. Further, their voices were not among the loudest in the village: While the middle and upper classes tended to discuss the economic circumstances at length what drug is called white girl seemed worried, the lower oldef kept quiet and often refrained from complaining and expressing demands.

In general, women, being household managers, faced more difficulties during the crisis see Photo 1except for women with higher independent incomes. Households where the woman was making embroidery usually independent older hory wives of Jakarta better, under equal friends who have sex, than households where the woman was not. At the beginning of the crisis, nearly olcer large construction works in the cities stopped, many factories went bankrupt, and work opportunities for males with low education decreased severely.